While variables are sometimes correlated because one does cause the other, it could also be that some other factor, a confounding variable, is actually causing the systematic movement in our variables of interest. For instance, as sales in ice cream increase, so does the overall rate of crime. Is it possible that indulging in your favorite flavor of ice cream could send you on a crime spree? Or, after committing crime do you think you might decide to treat yourself to a cone?
There is no question that a relationship exists between ice cream and crime (e.g., Harper, 2013), but it would be pretty foolish to decide that one thing actually caused the other to occur. It is much more likely that both ice cream sales and crime rates are related to the temperature outside. In this case, temperature is a confounding variable that could account for the relationship between the two variables. When the temperature is warm, there are lots of people out of their houses, interacting with each other, getting annoyed with one another, and sometimes committing crimes. Also, when it is warm outside, we are more likely to seek a cool treat like ice cream. How do we determine if there is indeed a relationship between two things? And when there is a relationship, how can we discern whether it is attributable to coincidence or causation?
Even when we cannot point to clear confounding variables, we should not assume that a correlation between two variables implies that one variable causes changes in another. This can be frustrating when a cause-and-effect relationship seems clear and intuitive. Think about the American Cancer Society and how their research projects were some of the first demonstrations of the link between smoking and cancer. It seems reasonable to assume that smoking causes cancer, but if we were limited to correlational research, we would be overstepping our bounds by making this assumption.
Unfortunately, people mistakenly make claims of causation as a function of correlations all the time. Such claims are especially common in advertisements and news stories. For example, recent research found that people who eat cereal on a regular basis achieve healthier weights than those who rarely eat cereal (Frantzen, Treviño, Echon, Garcia-Dominic, & DiMarco, 2013; Barton et al., 2005). Guess how the cereal companies report this finding. Does eating cereal really cause an individual to maintain a healthy weight, or are there other possible explanations, such as, someone at a healthy weight is more likely to regularly eat a healthy breakfast than someone who is obese or someone who avoids meals in an attempt to diet? While correlational research is invaluable in identifying relationships among variables, a major limitation is the inability to establish causality. Psychologists want to make statements about cause and effect, but the only way to do that is to conduct an experiment to answer a research question. Scientific experiments incorporate methods that eliminate, or control for, alternative explanations, which allow researchers to explore how changes in one variable cause changes in another variable.
Illusory Correlations
The temptation to make erroneous cause-and-effect statements based on correlational research is not the only way we tend to misinterpret data. We also tend to make the mistake of illusory correlations, especially with unsystematic observations. Illusory correlations, or false correlations, occur when people believe that relationships exist between two things when no such relationship exists. One well-known illusory correlation is the supposed effect that the moon’s phases have on human behavior. Many people passionately assert that human behavior is affected by the phase of the moon, and specifically, that people act strangely when the moon is full.
There is no denying that the moon exerts a powerful influence on our planet. The ebb and flow of the ocean’s tides are tightly tied to the gravitational forces of the moon. Many people believe, therefore, that it is logical that we are affected by the moon as well. After all, our bodies are largely made up of water. A meta-analysis of nearly 40 studies consistently demonstrated, however, that the relationship between the moon and our behavior does not exist (Rotton & Kelly, 1985). While we may pay more attention to odd behavior during the full phase of the moon, the rates of odd behavior remain constant throughout the lunar cycle.
Why are we so apt to believe in illusory correlations like this? Often we read or hear about them and simply accept the information as valid. Or, we have a hunch about how something works and then look for evidence to support that hunch, ignoring evidence that would tell us our hunch is false; this is known as confirmation bias. Other times, we find illusory correlations based on the information that comes most easily to mind, even if that information is severely limited. And while we may feel confident that we can use these relationships to better understand and predict the world around us, illusory correlations can have significant drawbacks. For example, research suggests that illusory correlations—in which certain behaviors are inaccurately attributed to certain groups—are involved in the formation of prejudicial attitudes that can ultimately lead to discriminatory behavior (Fiedler, 2004).
This text is adapted from OpenStax, Psychology. OpenStax CNX.
Dans certains cas, la relation entre deux articles semble claire et intuitive, comme lorsqu’il y a un match de sport, les gens commandent une pizza même s’il se fait tard. Un membre du groupe jure que manger plusieurs tranches avant de se retirer pour la soirée lui donne des cauchemars.
Maintenant, la seule façon de répondre à cette question « Est-ce que manger de la pizza juste avant d’aller dormir fait faire plus de cauchemars à quelqu’un ? » est de concevoir une expérience.
Dans un type de plan expérimental, une relation de cause à effet, un chercheur peut déterminer si la manipulation d’une variable indépendante – dans ce cas, manger une pizza avant de se coucher – provoque un effet particulier – des changements dans la variable dépendante, le nombre de cauchemars qui se produisent tout au long de la nuit.
Ils pourraient affecter la moitié des participants au groupe expérimental, qui reçoit la manipulation expérimentale – l’attribution de manger trois tranches de pizza juste avant d’aller au lit – et la seconde moitié au groupe témoin, qui reçoit l’ordre de ne rien manger.
Ils peuvent également prendre certaines mesures pour contrôler les variables confusionnelles qui peuvent produire d’autres explications.
Par exemple, en répartissant au hasard les participants à différents groupes – à l’aide d’une méthode basée sur les probabilités – le chercheur peut s’assurer que les participants sont également appariés sur les facteurs de confusion potentiels, par exemple, leurs antécédents et leur prédisposition aux cauchemars, le temps qu’il leur faut pour s’endormir et même leur qualité globale de sommeil.
De plus, le chercheur pourrait mener l’expérience dans un laboratoire où encore plus de facteurs peuvent être contrôlés, comme l’environnement de sommeil et ce qu’ils regardent avant de dormir.
En fin de compte, la seule façon d’établir une causalité entre deux variables est de faire des expériences sonores !
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