资料来源: 实验室的朱迪思 · Danovitch 和尼古拉 Noles — — 路易斯维尔大学
一个人被定义为一个独特的个体,人和他们在生活中遇到的事件的基础。因此,创建、 存储和回顾记忆是人类经验的基本要素。然而,记忆,成人体验它,需要时间来培养。虽然年幼的孩子可以学习事实和从时刻时刻和日常记忆他们生活的细节,他们不要创建自传体记忆或详细的回忆的事情会发生在他们的生活,直至年龄 3 或更旧。
即使在 3 岁时后, 儿童的记忆在重要方面不同于成年人。孩子们不有效地评价他们自己的记忆比成人,这使得它难以确定,例如,他们的记忆准确。错误记忆是面向儿童和成人的一个问题,因为它是很容易创建一个虚假的记忆与差措辞的问题或重复了一遍又一遍的故事。然而,年轻孩子们更容易创建虚假记忆比年长的儿童或成人。
该视频演示儿童易受虚假记忆法由史蒂文 Ceci 和他的合作者。1-2
招聘大约 50 健康 5 岁到 6–岁无病史的发育障碍。对于本演示的目的,测试只有一个孩子。更大的样本量被建议时进行任何实验。
请注意,大样本大小占自然减员或损失的参与者。此过程使用纵向、 多会话的设计,要求孩子们在特定的时间内完成特定数量的采访。必须从数据分析中排除任何儿童错过了一次会议。
1.数据收集
2.分析
儿童和成人可以体验虚假的记忆,记忆的事件,从来没有发生过,或已被改动的接下来的经历的真实回忆。
与成人相比,孩子们更容易形成虚假的记忆。通常情况下,这种记忆是无害例儿童回顾事件和永远不会实际发生的经验 — — 像他们的兄弟姐妹出生时他们实际上花了一整天和他们的祖父母的那天要去医院。
另外,当孩子们记住,它可以让他们分开真正的细节和事件从他们想象或只听说过的那些具有挑战性。结果,孩子们比大人更善于判断他们记忆的准确性。
正如心理学家斯蒂芬 Ceci 的工作已经揭示了,错误记忆的最令人担忧的方面之一是,他们可以轻松地创建在儿童,例如通过反复问他们一个问题或告诉他们一个故事。
使用描述由 Ceci 和同事,这个视频的技术演示如何设计、 收集和解释调查儿童,错误记忆的实验数据,以及如何应用此方法,以探讨记忆、 想象力和年龄之间的复杂关系。
在这个实验中,5-6 岁是告诉有关的不同事件,并要求记住是否他们经历过这些场景。
方案包括三种类型: 真正的检查,并测试事件。真实的事件是那些孩子们实际参与 — — 像去公平和赢得巨大的毛绒的动物 — — 研究员标识由前采访儿童的父母或监护人。
在这种情况下,因变量是儿童的同意,或声称有实际经验丰富、 真实的事件的平均百分比。这些事件也用于评价一般儿童记忆的准确度。
第二种类型,请检查事件,研究员创建,孩子们没有经历过,例如,玩棋盘游戏,会说话的狗的咆哮火的奇幻场景。
由于这些事件不会发生,他们确保儿童不要养成自动对每一个问题,回答””和也评价记忆的准确性。
最后的事件类型 — — 测试事件 — — 最难的部分,并且包含的孩子们没有经历过,如要去看医生后踩在碎玻璃上的合理方案。
自称经历过测试事件的儿童所占比例作为因变量。
在 5 周时间里,孩子们反复被问及同样的一整套方案,其中包括 true,检查,和测试事件。
基于以前的工作由 Ceci 和他的同事,预计 assenting 检测事件的儿童所占比例将增加在质疑会议,指示,在一些儿童这些方案形成虚假的记忆。
为了准备实验,赋予每个孩子的父母来标识事件,他们也并没有经历过过去一年。
使用此信息,设计 10 个性化小插曲,在每个孩子的索引卡片上的集合。确保每个集包括五个真三种复选,和两个测试事件。
从开始研究,迎接孩子,把他们介绍给他们将执行的任务。强调一些他们会被告知有关的事件实际上没有发生。
坐在旁边按住索引卡片打印事件。
有孩子在随机选择一张卡片,读给他们写的是什么。事后,问孩子是否发生了事件。
继续直到读取了所有的牌,和转录子的响应。在为期五个星期 5 次重复此过程。
对于每个这些五届会议,孩子的”yes”响应分别为真实事件的代码和测试活动。
要分析的数据,计算出儿童自称在会话 1、 3 和 5 之间经历了真实和测试事件的平均的百分比。
执行方差分析以确定是否有两种类型的事件在这些三届会议提交儿童之间的差异。
注意哪些儿童声称经历过现实测试事件随着时间的推移增加的速率指示,其中许多人来相信这些事件实际上发生了 — — 形成虚假的记忆。
现在,你知道如何一再逼问、 可以用来探讨儿童的错误记忆,让我们看看如何心理学家正在研究的可塑性在其他上下文中的内存。
一个应用程序,这项工作的评价是否重复提问权威人物 — — 如执法官员 — — 在访谈期间可以导致儿童形成虚假的记忆。
因为这可产生严重的法律后果,许多心理学家正在以确定和发展提问策略鼓励孩子准确报告他们知道有关事件不会影响他们对它的记忆。
同样,心理学家试图了解儿童如何可以误以为他们听说过,想象,或想过的东西,他们所经历的东西。
这可能是由于每一次的记忆 — — 喜欢一个特定的生日聚会 — — 回忆说,有机会加上或减去它的细节 — — 喜欢谁在那里,什么菜。因此,记住是比回忆更像是建设。
结果,与不同的照片,随着时间的推移回忆可以变得越来越不完美的生活事件表示。
最后,一些研究者使用技术 — — 喜欢功能性磁共振成像 — — 能够识别代谢活跃的组织,形成有关的大脑区域和检索的虚假和真实的记忆进行比较。
虽然个人体验真实的和虚假记忆中一样,很可能这些成像技术可以识别在大脑中的结构 — — 喜欢海马体 — — 这可能有助于区分这些类型的记忆。
你刚看了朱庇特的视频错误记忆在儿童的发展。到目前为止,您应该了解如何一再逼问可以导致错误记忆中的儿童,并知道如何收集和解释数据揭示儿童倾向形成虚假的记忆。你也应该有想法是什么让儿童特别容易受到虚假的记忆。
谢谢观赏 !
提出了一种与真实事件和不切实际的事件,从他们的生活的孩子们通常很准确地确定他们有和没有经历过的情况。然而,当面对现实事件,他们没有经历过,很多学龄前儿童相信他们经历了这些事件,甚至后只听到他们有一次和他们说他们从未经历过随时间(图 1)的速率。除了从儿童反应的数据,儿童也自发地向他们提出在早期测试中的虚假记忆可能添加自己的详细信息的会话。
图 1:平均儿童说他们经历过他们 (真实内存) 发生或没有发生对他们 (错误记忆) 后,三个或五个会话的事件的百分比。
记忆不是完美的生活事件的申述。他们降低随着时间的推移和可以添加或减去的详细信息。记住是比回忆更像是建设。所以,一个人错东西之前,他们没有考虑他们有听说过,或者很容易为他们所经历的东西。特别是儿童,特别是可能形成虚假的记忆,当被问及想想或想象的情况或事件。更一般地,这些结果表明在质疑儿童关于严重法律和个人事务时人应特别照顾。儿童通常却一再与非常具体的问题,他们正在接受访问时,和父母、 教师、 社会工作者和法律执法官员通常利用这些做法提出质疑。因此,是创建错误记忆和有效地激发孩子们报告他们了解重要事件之间的微妙平衡。
Both children and adults can experience false memories, which are either memories of events that never happened, or real memories that have been altered by subsequent experiences.
Compared to adults, children are more susceptible to forming false memories. Often, such memories are harmless cases of children recalling events and experiences that never actually occurred—like going to the hospital the day their sibling was born when they actually spent the day with their grandparents.
In addition, when children remember, it can be challenging for them to separate real details and events from those that they imagined or only heard about. As a result, children are less adept than adults at judging the accuracy of their memories.
As the work of psychologist Stephen Ceci has revealed, one of the most worrisome aspects of false memories is that they can be easily created in children, for example by repeatedly asking them a question or telling them a story.
Using the techniques described by Ceci and colleagues, this video demonstrates how to design, collect, and interpret data for an experiment investigating false memories in children, as well as how to apply this method to explore the complex relationship between memory, imagination, and age.
In this experiment, 5- and 6-year-olds are told about different events involving them, and asked to remember whether they experienced these scenarios.
The scenarios consist of three types: true, check, and test events. True events are those that children were actually involved in—like having gone to the fair and winning an enormous stuffed animal—that a researcher identifies by interviewing the children’s parents or guardians beforehand.
In this case, the dependent variable is the average percentage of children that assented, or claimed to have actually experienced, true events. These events are also used to evaluate the general accuracy of children’s memory.
The second type, check events, are fantastical scenarios a researcher creates that children did not experience, for example, having played a board game with a talking dog by a roaring fire.
As these events couldn’t have happened, they ensure that children don’t get into the habit of automatically answering “Yes” to every question, and also evaluate memory accuracy.
The final type of events—test events—are the trickiest, and consist of plausible scenarios that children did not experience, such as going to see a doctor after stepping on broken glass.
The percentage of children who claimed to have experienced test events serves as the dependent variable.
Over a 5-week period, children are repeatedly asked about the same set of scenarios, which includes true, check, and test events.
Based on the previous work by Ceci and colleagues, it is expected that the percentage of children assenting to test events will increase over questioning sessions, indicating that in some children these scenarios form false memories.
To prepare for the experiment, confer with every child’s parents to identify events that they have and haven’t experienced over the last year.
Using this information, design a collection of 10 individualized vignettes on index cards for each child. Ensure that each set includes five true, three check, and two test events.
To begin the study, greet the child and introduce them to the task they will be performing. Emphasize that some of the events they will be told about didn’t actually happen.
Sit nearby while holding index cards on which events are printed.
Have the child select a card at random, and read to them what’s written on it. Afterwards, ask the child whether the event happened.
Continue until all the cards have been read, and transcribe the child’s responses. Repeat this procedure five times over a period of five weeks.
For each of these five sessions, code the child’s “yes” responses separately for true events and test events.
To analyze the data, calculate the average percentage of children who claimed to have experienced both true and test events across sessions 1, 3, and 5.
Perform an analysis of variance to determine if there are differences between the two types of events presented to children in these three sessions.
Notice the rate at which children claim to have experienced realistic test events increased over time, indicating that many of them come to believe these events actually happened—forming false memories.
Now that you know how repeated questioning can be used to investigate false memories in children, let’s look at how psychologists are studying the plasticity of memory in other contexts.
One application of this work evaluates whether repeated questioning by authority figures—such as law enforcement officials—during interviews can result in children forming false memories.
As this can have serious legal ramifications, many psychologists are looking to identify and develop questioning strategies that encourage children to accurately report what they know about an event without influencing their memory of it.
Similarly, psychologists are trying to understand how children can mistake something they’ve heard, imagined, or thought about for something that they’ve actually experienced.
This may be due to the fact that each time a memory—like a specific birthday party—is recalled, there are opportunities for details to be added to or subtracted from it—like who was there and what food was served. Thus, remembering is more like construction than recollection.
As a result, unlike photographs, over time memories can become increasingly imperfect representations of a life event.
Finally, some researchers use techniques—like functional MRI—that can identify metabolically active tissues to compare areas of the brain involved in the formation and retrieval of false and true memories.
Although individuals experience both true and false memories in much the same way, it is possible that these imaging techniques can identify structures in the brain—like the hippocampus—that may help differentiate between these types of memories.
You’ve just watched JoVE’s video on the development of false memories in children. By now, you should understand how repeated questioning can lead to false memories in children, and know how to collect and interpret data revealing children’s tendencies to form false memories. You should also have an idea of what makes children particularly susceptible to false memories.
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