资料来源: 实验室的尼古拉 Noles 和朱迪思 Danovitch — — 路易斯维尔大学
有可能为人类的大脑来跟踪每个个别的人、 地点或事情遇到,但这将是非常低效利用时间和认知的资源。相反,人类发展类别。类别是真实的东西,可以用于各种目的的心理表征。例如,个人可以使用知觉特征的动物,把它们放置在一个给定的类别。所以,见状只毛茸茸的四条腿,尾巴,吠叫的动物,一个人可以确定它是一只狗。这是许多例子之一,人们用知觉相似性以适应新的经验,进入他们现有的心理表征。
然而,类别会员很多比皮肤深,尤其是对动物的表示形式。弗兰克 · 凯尔证明这通过使用一种简单,但功能强大的技术,侧重于自然种类和工件之间的差异。自然种类包括动物和其它生物,而主要由无生命的东西,比如表或黄金砖包含的工件。在他的书房,Keil 讲述儿童自然种类和经历了转换导致他们跨范畴边界的工件。例如,他描述了一个循序渐进的过程,通过其中一只浣熊转化成一个很像一只臭鼬在每种方式的生物。在故事的结尾,浣熊是黑色与白色的条纹,和它有植入使它闻起来就像一只臭鼬,太的腺体。他问孩子们确定由此产生的动物是一只浣熊还是一只臭鼬。他用一种类似的方法来描述轮胎一个工件的转型-进鞋子。儿童的反应揭示了有趣的发展变化,到人们如何看待文物和自然种类。
该视频演示了弗兰克 · 凯尔转型研究。1
招聘健康的 5 点、 7,和 9 岁儿童正常听力与视觉和发育障碍没有历史。对于本演示的目的,测试只有一个孩子。较大的样本大小 (如弗兰克 · 凯尔转化研究1) 建议时进行任何实验。
1.数据收集
2.分析
要组织世界和有效地使用认知资源,儿童学会放置对象、 人和地点分为。
在广泛的意义上,一个类别 — — 喜欢的水果 — — 是真实的东西分享相似的特征,存在于种子集合的心理表征。
在此情况下,有种子的特征是”隐藏”的或内部的功能 — — 一个不容易观察 — — 可用于链接要构成一个类别的项目。
然而,有时的特征 — — 或功能 — — 基于一个类别可以容易感知。例如,如果孩子看到的动物,有四条腿、 一条尾巴和吠声,他们就可能归类为一只狗。
重要的是,孩子们可以采取他们的单个项目属于某一类别,像他们的宠物狗,了解和使用这些信息来确定并作出归纳推理 — — 猜测 — — 关于陌生类别成员。
例如,如果一个孩子知道他们的狗摇尾巴,当它高兴的时候,他们可以猜测一条新的尾巴摇狗也是快乐。
这个视频基于弗兰克 · 凯尔的开创性工作,探讨如何调查 5-9 年岁用来通过设计跨范畴边界的刺激对对象进行分类的标准和解释如何执行这种转型的研究和解释分类数据。我们也将看看如何心理学家使用这种技术在其他应用程序为例,探讨儿童如何做出推论。
在这个实验中,研究人员提出 5、 7 和 9 岁儿童 16 项使它们类似于别的东西身体改变的故事。
八个活着的动物或自然发生的对象,这些故事围绕喜欢斑马或钻石 — — 统称为自然种类 — — 和人造的、 非生物项目八处理称为工件,如杯子或花盆。
例如,在一个自然类针对变换的故事,孩子们首次显示天然物料或动物,如一只浣熊”之前”映像。
然后,他们被告知,医生手术这件事,例如被附加到浣熊,恶臭气味的液体容器和剃须和改变死它的皮毛的部分,使其成为黑色和白色蓬松的尾巴。
重要的是,研究人员强调,这种行动导致正在改变,它代表一个不同的对象的类型相同的项目: 种自然会使看来生活喜欢另一种人生自然种。
儿童最后提出与”后”形象的问题,并问如何他们会将它归类术后 — — 如果它是一只浣熊或一只臭鼬。
他们的答案进行分级规模 1 到 3。在这个系统中,如果孩子们转变他们的分类 — — 如果他们断言剃的浣熊现在是一只臭鼬,因为它类似于这种动物在外观和气味 — — 他们正在给 1 的评分。
相反,如果孩子们不能确定应该如何分类转化的事情 — — 如果它是一些”ra kunk”的混合体 — — 他们正在给 2 的评分。
最后,如果孩子不改变初始物料进行的分类 — — 说这种动物仍然一只浣熊,尽管其物理状态的改变 — — 他们被分配的 3 分。
在这里,因变量是平均分数儿童接受跨自然种和工件的故事,可以用来衡量儿童倾向拒绝更改其标识转换对象。
由弗兰克 · 凯尔和他的同事的研究基础,预计儿童随时会改变其分类的无生命的工件,而不是生活自然种类,大概是因为动物具有的某些内部,不变的特征。
在实验开始之前,卡使用的图像创建的前与后的转型项目。设计 16 这种转型小插曲 — — 八处理工件,和八处理自然种类。
这个孩子的时候,迎接他们,把他们介绍给医生和外科手术的概念。
目前 16 转型护身符给他们以随机顺序:”医生们看起来就像这咖啡壶。他们锯掉了句柄,密封顶部,顶部旋钮,密封喷口,脱,锯掉。他们还锯掉了基地和附加扁平金属片。他们附加一个小棒,一个窗口,削减和金属容器装满鸟食。当他们做了时,看起来这”。
“手术后,这是咖啡壶或野鸟吗?”
如果在任何情况下孩子给含糊不清或混合动力的响应 — — 像是在说变成一个野鸟喂食器咖啡壶现在”咖啡送纸器”— — 也会问他们叫它由其前或后转换的名称。鼓励孩子们去思考他们的答案,以及跨所有插曲保证不同的反应。
孩子在自由的形式后,关于他们的反应,以确定的功能或导致了他们的结论后转型项目的原则的问题。
为每个小插图,记录孩子的响应供将来分析。
当该儿童已修毕所有 16 小插曲时,有两名独立考官读他们的反应和他们上规模的 1-3 的代码。
要分析的数据为每个两种类型的转换 — — 自然种类或工件 — — 情节一般的孩子成绩作为年龄的功能。
执行方差分析以确定是否有三个年龄组或两种类型的转换之间的差异。
请注意,随着年龄的增加,儿童在工件转换的平均得分仍然相对恒定,盘旋约 1.25。这表明儿童在所有年龄段,容易研究改变改变工件及其分类。
此外,这些结果表明后改造项目在这些实例中的感性特征 — — 一个孩子看到 — — 通知他们分类放置。与此相反的是,对于自然亲切变换 — — 尤其是那些涉及的动物 — — 儿童的平均成绩随年龄的功能。这表明,随着儿童年龄的增长,他们逐渐代表类别成员作为动物的一个内部的不可改变的方面。
现在,你知道研究人员如何使用转换方案,更好地理解儿童将一般文物和自然种类的分类,让我们看看这种技术的其他应用程序。
当你学会了,自然种类可以是任一生活项目 — — 喜欢的植物或动物 — — 或无生命的物体,像矿物。
因此,一些研究人员进一步正在研究如何孩子来分类这些不同类型的自然的种类,以及如果这些进程之间存在任何差异。
这样的工作表现,而孩子们很快就学会分类动画自然种类 — — 和抗拒改变其分类动物转化后的趋势 — — 无生命的自然类类似能力发展得较慢。
一些心理学家建议父母的影响可能会发挥作用,这一现象。例如,父可能强调,动物应该被归类为一条鱼,如果它的父母是鱼,而如果它下蛋还产鱼。
然而,鉴于是什么让无生命的自然种先进的标的物 — — 喜欢电子在它的原子或组成它的元素中的组织 — — 父母可能没有类似的讨论,与孩子谈论这类物品。
其他研究人员正在寻找的孩子如何申请关于单个成员的类别来推测其他项目在同一类别的事实。
例如,心理学家能告诉儿童,鼠标在晚上是更积极,喜欢吃奶酪,然后向他们展示的写实照片集合组成的小鼠不同的外套、 其他啮齿类动物和不相关的动物 — — 像牛那样。
通过包括或删除标签从这些图像,研究人员可以评估到的文本类别标签,除了形态特征,因子在儿童的能力来推断其他小鼠具有相同的特性的程度。
你刚看了朱庇特的视频关于儿童如何成长的能力进行分类 — — 和关于做出的推论 — — 自然种类和工件。到现在为止,你应该知道如何设计和使用转型故事来探讨这一现象,并收集和解释结果。您还应该了解的心理学家如何使用此方法来调查分类过程的其他方面。
谢谢观赏 !
为了有足够的力量来看到显著的效果,研究人员就必须在每个年龄组测试至少 18 个孩子。通常情况下,当问及工件,在所有三个年龄组的儿童结束,所见证实分类放置。如果轮胎变成橡胶鞋,然后是一只鞋和轮胎不了。与此相反的是,孩子们提出了一种与自然种类揭示发展的趋势。五岁是优柔寡断或看到动物广电功能作为指示其类别成员资格。随着儿童年龄的增长,他们越来越多地确定动物保持同样的事尽管他们可能接受任何物理转换。本实验演示儿童代表类别会员作为内部的、 僵死的动物方面越来越多地作为他们长大了,和这个想法驱使儿童直觉有关类别成员身份 (图 1)。
图 1。儿童抵抗的平均趋势变化类别会员。低数字转换目标的功能更改其类别成员。
弗兰克 · 凯尔工作演示内部特征计数。儿童治疗类别会员如同雨后春笋般从内部特征,导致动物的外表和行为,和孩子们继续动物属于其范畴,即使外表和行为改变的直觉。一般来说,这一发现支持儿童使用分类信息和没有其他线索,如外观,来指导他们推论关于动物其他工作证明。例如,个人可以使用类别使归纳推理或猜测,基于其分类的知识。所以,如果孩子都知道它是危险的触碰他们的宠物猫时摇着尾巴,那么他们可以归纳推理,任何新的尾巴的猫也是危险的。这些推论,推论的类别会员在 Keil 的研究中,像是由分类成员资格和不一定外观驱动的。
To organize the world and efficiently use cognitive resources, children learn to place objects, people, and locations into categories.
In a broad sense, a category—like fruits—is a mental representation of a collection of real things that share similar features, such as the presence of seeds.
In this instance, the characteristic of having seeds is a “hidden” or internal feature—one not easily observed—that can be used to link items to form a category.
However, sometimes the feature—or features—on which a category is based can be readily perceived. For example, if a child sees an animal that has four legs, a tail, and barks, they’ll likely categorize it as a dog.
Importantly, children can take what they know about a single item belonging to a category, like their pet dog, and use that information to identify and make inductive inferences—educated guesses—about unfamiliar category members.
For example, if a child knows that their dog wags its tail when it’s happy, then they can guess that a new tail-wagging dog is also happy.
Based on the pioneering work of Frank Keil, this video explores how to investigate the criteria 5- to 9-year-olds use to categorize objects by designing stimuli that cross categorical boundaries, and explains how to perform such a transformational study and interpret categorization data. We will also look at how psychologists use this technique in other applications, for example to explore how children make inferences.
In this experiment, researchers present 5-, 7-, and 9-year-old children with 16 stories in which items are physically altered so that they resemble something else.
Eight of these stories center around living animals or naturally occurring objects, like zebras or diamonds—collectively called natural kinds—and eight deal with man-made, non-living items referred to as artifacts, such as cups or pots.
For instance, in a natural kind-focused transformation story, children are first shown a “before” image of a naturally occurring item or animal, such as a raccoon.
They’re then told that doctors surgically transformed this thing, for example by attaching containers of foul-smelling liquid to the raccoon, and shaving and dying portions of its fur so that it becomes black and white with a puffy tail.
Importantly, the researcher emphasizes that such operations result in the item being transformed so that it represents a different object of the same type: a living natural kind is made to look like another living natural kind.
Children are finally presented with an “after” image of the subject, and asked how they’d categorize it post-surgery—if it’s a raccoon or a skunk.
Their answers are rated on a scale of 1 to 3. In this system, if children shift their categorization—if they assert that the shaved raccoon is now a skunk, as it resembles this animal in appearance and smell—they’re given a score of 1.
In contrast, if children are unsure of how the transformed thing should be categorized—if it’s some “ra-kunk” hybrid of the two—they’re given a score of 2.
Finally, if children don’t change the initial categorization of the item—saying that the animal remains a raccoon, despite its altered physical state—they’re assigned a score of 3.
Here, the dependent variables are the average scores children receive across natural kind and artifact stories, which can be used to gauge children’s tendency to resist changing their identification of transformed objects.
Based on research performed by Frank Keil and colleagues, it is expected that children will readily change their categorization of inanimate artifacts, but not of living natural kinds, presumably due to some internal, unchangeable feature that animals possess.
Before the experiment begins, create cards with images of pre- and post-transformation items. Design 16 such transformation vignettes—eight dealing with artifacts, and eight dealing with natural kinds.
When the child arrives, greet them and introduce them to the concepts of doctors and surgeries.
Present the 16 transformation vignettes to them in a random order: “The doctors took a coffeepot that looked like this. They sawed off the handle, sealed the top, took off the top knob, sealed the spout, and sawed it off. They also sawed off the base and attached a flat piece of metal. They attached a little stick, cut a window in it, and filled the metal container with bird food. When they were done, it looked like this.”
“After the operation, was this a coffeepot or a birdfeeder?”
If in any instance the child gives an ambiguous or hybrid response—like saying that a coffeepot transformed into a birdfeeder is now a “coffee-feeder”—also ask them to call it by either its pre- or post-transformation name. This encourages children to think about their answers, as well as warrants different responses across all of the vignettes.
Question the child in a free-form manner about the reasons behind their response, in order to determine the features or principles of the post-transformation item that led them to their conclusion.
For each vignette, record the child’s response for future analysis.
When the child has completed all 16 vignettes, have two independent raters read their responses and code them on a scale of 1–3.
To analyze the data for each of the two types of transformations—either natural kinds or artifacts—plot the average children’s score as a function of age.
Perform an analysis of variance to determine if there are differences between the three age groups or two types of transformations.
Notice that as age increases, the average scores of children for the artifact transformations remained relatively constant, hovering around 1.25. This indicates that children at all ages studied readily change their categorization of altered artifacts.
In addition, these results suggest that the perceptual features of post-transformation items in these instances—what a child sees—informs their categorical placement. In contrast, for natural kind transformations—especially those involving animals—children’s average scores increased as a function of age. This indicates that as children get older, they gradually represent category membership as an internal, unchangeable aspect of animals.
Now that you know how researchers are using transformation scenarios to better understand how children categorize general artifacts and natural kinds, let’s look at other applications of this technique.
As you’ve learned, natural kinds can be either living items—like plants or animals—or inanimate objects, like minerals.
Thus, some researchers are further looking into how children come to categorize these different types of natural kinds, and if any differences exist between these processes.
Such work has demonstrated that whereas children quickly learn to categorize animate natural kinds—and resist the tendency to change their categorization of animals post-transformation—a similar ability for inanimate natural kinds develops more slowly.
Some psychologists have suggested that parental influence may play a role in this phenomenon. For example, a parent may emphasize that an animal should be categorized as a fish if its parents were fish, and if it lays eggs that also yield fish.
However, given the advanced subject matter of what makes an inanimate natural kind—like the organization of electrons in its atoms, or the elements that constitute it—parents may not have similar discussions with their children about such items.
Other researchers are looking at how children apply facts about a single member of a category to make inferences about other items in the same category.
For example, psychologists could tell children that a mouse is more active at night and likes to eat cheese, and then show them a collection of realistic pictures composed of mice with different coats, other rodents, and unrelated animals—like a cow.
By either including or removing labels from these images, researchers can evaluate the extent to which textual category labels, in addition to morphological features, factor in children’s ability to infer that other mice have the same characteristics.
You’ve just watched JoVE’s video on how children develop the ability to categorize—and make inferences about—natural kinds and artifacts. By now, you should know how to design and use transformation stories to investigate this phenomenon, and collect and interpret results. You should also have an understanding of how psychologists are using this method to investigate other aspects of the categorization process.
Thanks for watching!
Related Videos
Developmental Psychology
54.2K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
10.2K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
54.4K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
15.1K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
33.0K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
13.1K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
10.5K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
15.0K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
5.3K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
5.2K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
61.5K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
5.7K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
6.3K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
14.4K 浏览
Developmental Psychology
11.0K 浏览